Wednesday, January 28, 2009
The New Orleans Declaration: The Road Ahead
The New Orleans Declaration
Reflections on the Significance of State of the Black World Conference II
Recommendations on the Road Ahead
By Dr. Ron Daniels, President, Institute of the Black World 21st Century
The Occasion
November 19 – 23, 2008, more than 1,000 people of African descent convened under the auspices of the Institute of the Black World 21st Century in New Orleans for the first major gathering of Black people after the election of Barack Obama as President of the United States of America. Filled with hope and expectations for the dawning of a new era in the history of this nation and the world, the participants came to celebrate a monumental achievement but also to somberly assess the state of Black people in America and the world. Centered on the theme Return to the Source: Restoring Family, Rebuilding Community, Renewing the Struggle, New Orleans was selected as the site for the conference because it is the metaphor for the myriad of maladies that afflict urban communities across this nation as a consequence of massive disinvestment, deindustrialization, globalization and decades of blatant neglect.
Accordingly, a major goal of SOBWC was to discuss a Priority Public Policy Agenda to serve as a framework and guide for articulating the immediate concerns and needs of the masses of the Black poor, workers and the struggling middle class to the new administration in the White House. Equally important, the participants were urged to examine and discuss internal strategies, projects, programs and initiatives to enhance our capacity to build stronger and more sustainable communities and nations.
Though the deteriorating economy resulted in a lower turn-out than anticipated, SOBWC has universally received rave reviews as one of the most significant conferences in recent history. The quality of the program/substance was superb, a testimony to the consciousness, commitment and brilliance of the scores of speakers and panelists (too numerous to list individually) who volunteered/gave of their time and talent to engage the participants in informative analysis and dialogue around issues and solutions. Moreover all participants were viewed as resource persons who brought their life’s experiences, skill and expertise to the table to contribute to the deliberations.
Synopsis of the Proceedings
♦ The Damu Smith Leadership Development and Organizer Training Institute provided an overview and political analysis of the state of the race in the U.S. and the world and engaged the participants in basic exercises designed to equip them to be effective servant leaders in the Black community.
♦ At the National Town Hall Meeting, which was recorded by C-SPAN, notable scholars and activists re-affirmed the right of Black people to formulate an agenda to present to the new administration. A range of issues and policy proposals were discussed as reflected in the Recommended Priority Policy Agenda developed by IBW.
♦ In the Special Session on Haiti the rationale for building a constituency to support the first Black Republic in this hemisphere was articulated and there was great enthusiasm, especially among students and young activists, to become directly involved in projects to strengthen the process of democracy and development in Haiti.
♦ The Katrina Policy Roundtable focused on the gaps in policy formulation and implementation which have resulted in the fact that an estimated 150,000 displaced persons have yet to return to New Orleans. It was recommended that IBW embrace the call for 100,000 jobs to aid the economic recovery of New Orleans and the gulf coast in the aftermath of Katrina.
♦ The Pan African Policy Forum explored the role of the Diaspora in contributing to development of sustainable African nations and communities within the context of the philosophy/ideology of Pan Africanism. There were lively exchanges about the need for reciprocity between nations on the continent and the Diaspora in terms of building mutually respectful and beneficial relations.
♦ One of the highlights of SOBWC was the Opening Ndaba which featured a stellar panel of young leaders who have assumed their roles in the forefront of the Black Freedom Struggle. While paying homage to the legacy of the elders who paved the way for their ascent to leadership, the young leaders offered a variety of thoughts and strategies for addressing the contemporary crises plaguing our communities.
♦ The fourteen (14) issue/area Working Sessions were considered the most important component of the conference by the organizers. Each session examined models and strategies to strengthen Black communities and offered specific recommendations for follow-up
♦ In a moving celebration, IBW presented Legacy Awards to a number of veteran civil rights/human rights/nationalist/pan-Africanist leaders and elders. The Final Call Newspaper ran a full story with photos of the Legacy Award recipients.
♦ Last but not least, the Call to Faith and Action, the concluding Ndaba of SOBWC featured exhortations to support President-Elect Barack Obama as a “blessing” to America and the world. However, there was a cautionary note that President Obama will not be able to resolve all the problems confronting Black America – Africans in America and the world must organize and mobilize not only to keep the new administration accountable but to do for self in those areas where we can utilize our own resources to meet our needs.
One of the Great Gatherings of the Last Half Century
In terms of the strategic timing and quality of the substance, some have haled SOBWC as being in the linage of the great gatherings of people of African descent in the past half century -- the Black Power Conferences of the 60s, Congress of African People and Gary Black Political Convention in the 70s, the founding conventions of the National Black Independent Party and National Black United Front in the 80’s as well as the first State of the Black World Conference in 2001. The latter gave rise to the call to form the Institute of the Black World 21st Century.
SOBWC II validated the vision and mission of IBW as a mechanism committed to the basic proposition that the power/capacity of the Black community can be dramatically enhanced by facilitating the connection of various movements, organizations, institutions, projects, programs and initiatives. All too often the value of cross-fertilization of ideas and learning through networking, cooperation, collaboration and operational unity has been underappreciated in our struggle. This is also true of the application/utilization of specialization and division of labor among organizations working for the advancement/uplift of the Black community. IBW is firmly committed to relentlessly promoting and modeling these basic institution, community and nation-building ideas as a progressive, African-centered, action-oriented think tank. Our goal is to become a vital resource center and engine for global Black empowerment!
The Road Ahead
As a result of SOBWC II, IBW has potentially moved closer to that goal. Accordingly, in the period ahead, IBW seeks to build on the momentum of the conference as follows:
▪ The Recommended Priority Policy Agenda will be posted on the IBW website in a downloadable form so that it can be distributed widely. We encourage people to vigorously act to mobilize organizations, institutions, agencies and individuals to contact their Congressional representatives to press for the passage of bills in the Agenda.
▪ The Recommendations from the Working Sessions at SOBWC will be posted on the IBW web site along with the names of the individuals and/or organizations who have agreed to take the lead in implementing various proposals.
▪ Though all of the programmatic components of SOBWC were important, the imperative for the elder generation to share the torch and past the torch to the next generation dictates that the extraordinary intergenerational dialogue initiated in the Working Session on the Reviving the Black Arts and Cultural Movement: Hip Hop and the Future of the Black Freedom Struggle must be prioritized and institutionalized.
▪ Enlarging the pool of individuals with leadership and organizing skills committed to revitalizing and empowering our communities is an important objective of IBW in this crucial period. Therefore, institutionalizing the Damu Smith Leadership Development and Organizer Training Institute is a major priority moving forward. Indeed, the faculty of the sessions at SOBWC II is recommending that a plan and strategy be devised to hold training sessions in various locales across the country.
▪ In the spirit of the Millions More Movement which gave rise to the Black Family Summit, we will continue to explore ways and means of making this formation a viable vehicle for convening Black professional organizations to holistically address issues confronting the Black family and formulating policy consistent with IBW’s Martin Luther King-Malcolm X Community Revitalization Initiative.
▪ Given the critical need for theoretical and applied research to effect change in our communities from a progressive, African-centered perspective, IBW will actively work to create a Research Consortium to devise public policy proposals and initiatives for internal development -- as well as the essential communications and advocacy strategies for implementation. In the spirit of IBW’s vision/mission, this will be a cooperative project which will be achieved working collaboratively with existing institutes and think tanks.
▪ While IBW seeks to play a role in the African Union process to engage the Diaspora as the Sixth Department and wishes to build relationships with institutions and organizations on the continent and the Caribbean, our primary focus will remain building a constituency for Haiti through the work of the Haiti Support Project (HSP). Having emerged as the principal organization undertaking this crucial task, IBW/HSP will intensify its efforts to achieve the mission of having African Americans become a major partner in strengthening the process of democracy and development in Haiti.
Building the Capacity to Achieve the Vision and Mission of IBW
Prior to SOBWC an urgent message was sent to key allies and supporters of IBW with the following declaration: “The State of the Black World Conference is the defining moment in the evolution and development of IBW. It is designed to be both a qualitative/political and quantitative/financial success.” This formula was calculated to elevate IBW to a status with the scope and scale to realize the goal of becoming “an engine for global Black empowerment.” By all reasonable measures, SOBWC emphatically achieved the qualitative aspect of the “success” formula. However, on the quantitative side, the number of registered participants was insufficient to accrue the financial resources necessary for IBW to move from a largely volunteer operation to an institution with the basic infrastructure and capacity to effectively implement the follow-up to SOBWC and execute our vision/mission into the future.
“Tell no lies, claim no easy victories,” a dangerous deficit imperils our future. But the energy, enthusiasm, inspiration and momentum generated by SOBWC cannot, must not be dampened or destroyed – especially at such an incredible moment in our history. Therefore, we issue an urgent call to allies, friends, supporters and concerned people of good will to join us in an intensive one hundred day capacity-building fundraising campaign to include the following elements:
• Tax deductible individual, organizational or institutional contributions to IBW online
http://www.ibw21.org/ Email: sobwc@ibw21.org 888.774.2921 or by mail – Checks payable to Institute of the Black World, 31-35 95th Street, East Elmhurst, NY 11369
• The widespread marketing of SOBWC DVD’s and Tee-Shirts via the IBW website http://www.ibw21.org/ Email: sobwc@ibw21.org 888.774.2921 http://stateoftheblackworld.blogspot.com/
• Speaking engagements at colleges and universities during Black History Month and beyond with leaders or key supporters of IBW
• Community based fundraising events featuring leaders or key supporters of IBW
• State of the Black World Mini-Conference and Benefit “Party with a Purpose,” Commemorating the 7th Anniversary of the Founding of IBW and the “39th” Birthday of the President, tentatively scheduled for April 24-25 in Washington, D.C.
“We Are the Leaders We’ve Been Looking for”
Through Ujima -- Collective Work and Responsibility and Ujamaa – Cooperative Economics, we pray that the Holy and the Ancestors will bless this campaign and that the fruits will be bountiful – so that our journey to New Orleans for the State of the Black World Conference in all its fullness will not have been in vain. “Dare to struggle, dare to win!”
Reflections on the Significance of State of the Black World Conference II
Recommendations on the Road Ahead
By Dr. Ron Daniels, President, Institute of the Black World 21st Century
The Occasion
November 19 – 23, 2008, more than 1,000 people of African descent convened under the auspices of the Institute of the Black World 21st Century in New Orleans for the first major gathering of Black people after the election of Barack Obama as President of the United States of America. Filled with hope and expectations for the dawning of a new era in the history of this nation and the world, the participants came to celebrate a monumental achievement but also to somberly assess the state of Black people in America and the world. Centered on the theme Return to the Source: Restoring Family, Rebuilding Community, Renewing the Struggle, New Orleans was selected as the site for the conference because it is the metaphor for the myriad of maladies that afflict urban communities across this nation as a consequence of massive disinvestment, deindustrialization, globalization and decades of blatant neglect.
Accordingly, a major goal of SOBWC was to discuss a Priority Public Policy Agenda to serve as a framework and guide for articulating the immediate concerns and needs of the masses of the Black poor, workers and the struggling middle class to the new administration in the White House. Equally important, the participants were urged to examine and discuss internal strategies, projects, programs and initiatives to enhance our capacity to build stronger and more sustainable communities and nations.
Though the deteriorating economy resulted in a lower turn-out than anticipated, SOBWC has universally received rave reviews as one of the most significant conferences in recent history. The quality of the program/substance was superb, a testimony to the consciousness, commitment and brilliance of the scores of speakers and panelists (too numerous to list individually) who volunteered/gave of their time and talent to engage the participants in informative analysis and dialogue around issues and solutions. Moreover all participants were viewed as resource persons who brought their life’s experiences, skill and expertise to the table to contribute to the deliberations.
Synopsis of the Proceedings
♦ The Damu Smith Leadership Development and Organizer Training Institute provided an overview and political analysis of the state of the race in the U.S. and the world and engaged the participants in basic exercises designed to equip them to be effective servant leaders in the Black community.
♦ At the National Town Hall Meeting, which was recorded by C-SPAN, notable scholars and activists re-affirmed the right of Black people to formulate an agenda to present to the new administration. A range of issues and policy proposals were discussed as reflected in the Recommended Priority Policy Agenda developed by IBW.
♦ In the Special Session on Haiti the rationale for building a constituency to support the first Black Republic in this hemisphere was articulated and there was great enthusiasm, especially among students and young activists, to become directly involved in projects to strengthen the process of democracy and development in Haiti.
♦ The Katrina Policy Roundtable focused on the gaps in policy formulation and implementation which have resulted in the fact that an estimated 150,000 displaced persons have yet to return to New Orleans. It was recommended that IBW embrace the call for 100,000 jobs to aid the economic recovery of New Orleans and the gulf coast in the aftermath of Katrina.
♦ The Pan African Policy Forum explored the role of the Diaspora in contributing to development of sustainable African nations and communities within the context of the philosophy/ideology of Pan Africanism. There were lively exchanges about the need for reciprocity between nations on the continent and the Diaspora in terms of building mutually respectful and beneficial relations.
♦ One of the highlights of SOBWC was the Opening Ndaba which featured a stellar panel of young leaders who have assumed their roles in the forefront of the Black Freedom Struggle. While paying homage to the legacy of the elders who paved the way for their ascent to leadership, the young leaders offered a variety of thoughts and strategies for addressing the contemporary crises plaguing our communities.
♦ The fourteen (14) issue/area Working Sessions were considered the most important component of the conference by the organizers. Each session examined models and strategies to strengthen Black communities and offered specific recommendations for follow-up
♦ In a moving celebration, IBW presented Legacy Awards to a number of veteran civil rights/human rights/nationalist/pan-Africanist leaders and elders. The Final Call Newspaper ran a full story with photos of the Legacy Award recipients.
♦ Last but not least, the Call to Faith and Action, the concluding Ndaba of SOBWC featured exhortations to support President-Elect Barack Obama as a “blessing” to America and the world. However, there was a cautionary note that President Obama will not be able to resolve all the problems confronting Black America – Africans in America and the world must organize and mobilize not only to keep the new administration accountable but to do for self in those areas where we can utilize our own resources to meet our needs.
One of the Great Gatherings of the Last Half Century
In terms of the strategic timing and quality of the substance, some have haled SOBWC as being in the linage of the great gatherings of people of African descent in the past half century -- the Black Power Conferences of the 60s, Congress of African People and Gary Black Political Convention in the 70s, the founding conventions of the National Black Independent Party and National Black United Front in the 80’s as well as the first State of the Black World Conference in 2001. The latter gave rise to the call to form the Institute of the Black World 21st Century.
SOBWC II validated the vision and mission of IBW as a mechanism committed to the basic proposition that the power/capacity of the Black community can be dramatically enhanced by facilitating the connection of various movements, organizations, institutions, projects, programs and initiatives. All too often the value of cross-fertilization of ideas and learning through networking, cooperation, collaboration and operational unity has been underappreciated in our struggle. This is also true of the application/utilization of specialization and division of labor among organizations working for the advancement/uplift of the Black community. IBW is firmly committed to relentlessly promoting and modeling these basic institution, community and nation-building ideas as a progressive, African-centered, action-oriented think tank. Our goal is to become a vital resource center and engine for global Black empowerment!
The Road Ahead
As a result of SOBWC II, IBW has potentially moved closer to that goal. Accordingly, in the period ahead, IBW seeks to build on the momentum of the conference as follows:
▪ The Recommended Priority Policy Agenda will be posted on the IBW website in a downloadable form so that it can be distributed widely. We encourage people to vigorously act to mobilize organizations, institutions, agencies and individuals to contact their Congressional representatives to press for the passage of bills in the Agenda.
▪ The Recommendations from the Working Sessions at SOBWC will be posted on the IBW web site along with the names of the individuals and/or organizations who have agreed to take the lead in implementing various proposals.
▪ Though all of the programmatic components of SOBWC were important, the imperative for the elder generation to share the torch and past the torch to the next generation dictates that the extraordinary intergenerational dialogue initiated in the Working Session on the Reviving the Black Arts and Cultural Movement: Hip Hop and the Future of the Black Freedom Struggle must be prioritized and institutionalized.
▪ Enlarging the pool of individuals with leadership and organizing skills committed to revitalizing and empowering our communities is an important objective of IBW in this crucial period. Therefore, institutionalizing the Damu Smith Leadership Development and Organizer Training Institute is a major priority moving forward. Indeed, the faculty of the sessions at SOBWC II is recommending that a plan and strategy be devised to hold training sessions in various locales across the country.
▪ In the spirit of the Millions More Movement which gave rise to the Black Family Summit, we will continue to explore ways and means of making this formation a viable vehicle for convening Black professional organizations to holistically address issues confronting the Black family and formulating policy consistent with IBW’s Martin Luther King-Malcolm X Community Revitalization Initiative.
▪ Given the critical need for theoretical and applied research to effect change in our communities from a progressive, African-centered perspective, IBW will actively work to create a Research Consortium to devise public policy proposals and initiatives for internal development -- as well as the essential communications and advocacy strategies for implementation. In the spirit of IBW’s vision/mission, this will be a cooperative project which will be achieved working collaboratively with existing institutes and think tanks.
▪ While IBW seeks to play a role in the African Union process to engage the Diaspora as the Sixth Department and wishes to build relationships with institutions and organizations on the continent and the Caribbean, our primary focus will remain building a constituency for Haiti through the work of the Haiti Support Project (HSP). Having emerged as the principal organization undertaking this crucial task, IBW/HSP will intensify its efforts to achieve the mission of having African Americans become a major partner in strengthening the process of democracy and development in Haiti.
Building the Capacity to Achieve the Vision and Mission of IBW
Prior to SOBWC an urgent message was sent to key allies and supporters of IBW with the following declaration: “The State of the Black World Conference is the defining moment in the evolution and development of IBW. It is designed to be both a qualitative/political and quantitative/financial success.” This formula was calculated to elevate IBW to a status with the scope and scale to realize the goal of becoming “an engine for global Black empowerment.” By all reasonable measures, SOBWC emphatically achieved the qualitative aspect of the “success” formula. However, on the quantitative side, the number of registered participants was insufficient to accrue the financial resources necessary for IBW to move from a largely volunteer operation to an institution with the basic infrastructure and capacity to effectively implement the follow-up to SOBWC and execute our vision/mission into the future.
“Tell no lies, claim no easy victories,” a dangerous deficit imperils our future. But the energy, enthusiasm, inspiration and momentum generated by SOBWC cannot, must not be dampened or destroyed – especially at such an incredible moment in our history. Therefore, we issue an urgent call to allies, friends, supporters and concerned people of good will to join us in an intensive one hundred day capacity-building fundraising campaign to include the following elements:
• Tax deductible individual, organizational or institutional contributions to IBW online
http://www.ibw21.org/ Email: sobwc@ibw21.org 888.774.2921 or by mail – Checks payable to Institute of the Black World, 31-35 95th Street, East Elmhurst, NY 11369
• The widespread marketing of SOBWC DVD’s and Tee-Shirts via the IBW website http://www.ibw21.org/ Email: sobwc@ibw21.org 888.774.2921 http://stateoftheblackworld.blogspot.com/
• Speaking engagements at colleges and universities during Black History Month and beyond with leaders or key supporters of IBW
• Community based fundraising events featuring leaders or key supporters of IBW
• State of the Black World Mini-Conference and Benefit “Party with a Purpose,” Commemorating the 7th Anniversary of the Founding of IBW and the “39th” Birthday of the President, tentatively scheduled for April 24-25 in Washington, D.C.
“We Are the Leaders We’ve Been Looking for”
Through Ujima -- Collective Work and Responsibility and Ujamaa – Cooperative Economics, we pray that the Holy and the Ancestors will bless this campaign and that the fruits will be bountiful – so that our journey to New Orleans for the State of the Black World Conference in all its fullness will not have been in vain. “Dare to struggle, dare to win!”
Thursday, November 20, 2008
State of the Black World Conference will gather in New Orleans
State of the Black World Conference will gather in New Orleans
by Katy Reckdahl, The Times-Picayune
Wednesday November 19, 2008, 8:00 AM
The State of the Black World Conference will bring a who's who of African-American scholars, orators, church leaders and organizers to New Orleans for the five-day event at the Astor Crowne Plaza and the Ernest N. Morial Convention Center.
The conference -- featuring notables including Urban League president and former New Orleans mayor Marc Morial, the Rev. Jesse Jackson and actor Danny Glover -- is generally limited to paid registrants.
Three events, however, are open to the public: a free National Town Hall Meeting on Thursday night; a ticketed musical and spoken-word concert and awards ceremony Saturday evening; and a ticketed address by Minister Louis Farrakhan for the conference's concluding session Sunday from 9:30 a.m. to noon.
Tickets for the concert and Farrakhan speech will be sold at the Convention Center.
Convened by the Institute of the Black World 21st Century, a progressive "African-centered, action-oriented" think tank in New York led by scholar-activist Ron Daniels, the conference will assemble a federal agenda of issues critical to black and urban communities, in the wake of President-elect Barack Obama's historic victory.
"We deliberately came to New Orleans because it's a city in need of recovery and one that was neglected by the prior administration, " Daniels said, but it's a metaphor for what's been happening in other urban areas, like Bronx County, N.Y., the birthplace of hip hop, he said, where nearly half of black and Hispanic young men are out of work.
The conference will consider specific and practical solutions to problems facing education, the economy and criminal justice, he said, and will also zero in on what he called "internal" solutions: "what we can do in the African-American community that doesn't need legislation."
Other speakers and round-table participants include the Rev. Al Sharpton; U.S. Rep. John Conyers, D-Mich., chairman of the House Judiciary Committee and dean of the Congressional Black Caucus; Susan Taylor, former editorial director of Essence magazine; Maulana Karenga, the creator of Kwanzaa; economist Julianne Malveaux; hip hop pioneers Grandmaster Mele Mel and Kool Moe Dee; and poets Sonia Sanchez and Haki Madhubuti.
Speakers from New Orleans include the Orleans Parish School Board president, the Rev. Torin Sanders; the Rev. Tom Watson; hip hop artist Joe Blakk; political consultant Vincent Sylvain; Beverly Wright, director of the Deep South Center on Environmental Justice at Dillard University; Mtumishi St. Julien, director of the Finance Authority of New Orleans; and Dr. Dwayne Thomas, former head of Charity and University hospitals.
The Town Hall Meeting will discuss the policy agenda and will be held Thursday from 7-10 p.m. at the Convention Center, Hall B 2-2. Moderated by radio and television host Bev Smith, its 10 panelists include Morial, Sharpton, Jackson, Malveaux, E. Faye Williams, president of the National Congress of Black Women, and Ron Walters, director of the African American Leadership Institute and Scholar Practitioner Program at the University of Maryland.
Cyril Neville & Tribe 13 along with poets Sanchez and Madhubuti headline Saturday night's awards ceremony at 9:30 p.m. at the Convention Center.
Awards will be conferred upon some of the conference's most prominent participants as well as the Neville Brothers; Vincent Harding, one of the original founders of the Institute of the Black World in 1969; and Obama's former pastor, the Rev. Jeremiah Wright, whom Daniels called "an extraordinarily accomplished person who got caught in the crossfire of American politics."
Daniels is well aware that Wright and Farrakhan have been controversial figures, as has his longtime friend, the Rev. Jesse Jackson.
Certainly, Institute members don't agree with every word uttered by award recipients, Daniels said.
"But we see them as having made enormous contributions toward the advancement of black people in this country."
by Katy Reckdahl, The Times-Picayune
Wednesday November 19, 2008, 8:00 AM
The State of the Black World Conference will bring a who's who of African-American scholars, orators, church leaders and organizers to New Orleans for the five-day event at the Astor Crowne Plaza and the Ernest N. Morial Convention Center.
The conference -- featuring notables including Urban League president and former New Orleans mayor Marc Morial, the Rev. Jesse Jackson and actor Danny Glover -- is generally limited to paid registrants.
Three events, however, are open to the public: a free National Town Hall Meeting on Thursday night; a ticketed musical and spoken-word concert and awards ceremony Saturday evening; and a ticketed address by Minister Louis Farrakhan for the conference's concluding session Sunday from 9:30 a.m. to noon.
Tickets for the concert and Farrakhan speech will be sold at the Convention Center.
Convened by the Institute of the Black World 21st Century, a progressive "African-centered, action-oriented" think tank in New York led by scholar-activist Ron Daniels, the conference will assemble a federal agenda of issues critical to black and urban communities, in the wake of President-elect Barack Obama's historic victory.
"We deliberately came to New Orleans because it's a city in need of recovery and one that was neglected by the prior administration, " Daniels said, but it's a metaphor for what's been happening in other urban areas, like Bronx County, N.Y., the birthplace of hip hop, he said, where nearly half of black and Hispanic young men are out of work.
The conference will consider specific and practical solutions to problems facing education, the economy and criminal justice, he said, and will also zero in on what he called "internal" solutions: "what we can do in the African-American community that doesn't need legislation."
Other speakers and round-table participants include the Rev. Al Sharpton; U.S. Rep. John Conyers, D-Mich., chairman of the House Judiciary Committee and dean of the Congressional Black Caucus; Susan Taylor, former editorial director of Essence magazine; Maulana Karenga, the creator of Kwanzaa; economist Julianne Malveaux; hip hop pioneers Grandmaster Mele Mel and Kool Moe Dee; and poets Sonia Sanchez and Haki Madhubuti.
Speakers from New Orleans include the Orleans Parish School Board president, the Rev. Torin Sanders; the Rev. Tom Watson; hip hop artist Joe Blakk; political consultant Vincent Sylvain; Beverly Wright, director of the Deep South Center on Environmental Justice at Dillard University; Mtumishi St. Julien, director of the Finance Authority of New Orleans; and Dr. Dwayne Thomas, former head of Charity and University hospitals.
The Town Hall Meeting will discuss the policy agenda and will be held Thursday from 7-10 p.m. at the Convention Center, Hall B 2-2. Moderated by radio and television host Bev Smith, its 10 panelists include Morial, Sharpton, Jackson, Malveaux, E. Faye Williams, president of the National Congress of Black Women, and Ron Walters, director of the African American Leadership Institute and Scholar Practitioner Program at the University of Maryland.
Cyril Neville & Tribe 13 along with poets Sanchez and Madhubuti headline Saturday night's awards ceremony at 9:30 p.m. at the Convention Center.
Awards will be conferred upon some of the conference's most prominent participants as well as the Neville Brothers; Vincent Harding, one of the original founders of the Institute of the Black World in 1969; and Obama's former pastor, the Rev. Jeremiah Wright, whom Daniels called "an extraordinarily accomplished person who got caught in the crossfire of American politics."
Daniels is well aware that Wright and Farrakhan have been controversial figures, as has his longtime friend, the Rev. Jesse Jackson.
Certainly, Institute members don't agree with every word uttered by award recipients, Daniels said.
"But we see them as having made enormous contributions toward the advancement of black people in this country."
Tuesday, November 11, 2008
Obama is in the White House! So, What's Next?
Obama is in the White House!
So, What's Next?
Register Now!
State of the Black World Conference
New Orleans, LA Convention Center
Hotel: Astor Crowne Plaza
Nov. 19 – 23, 2008
The First, Great Gathering of the African Diaspora following this Historic Election!
Phone: 877-774-2921 (that's toll free!)
Email: sobwc@ibw21.org
The Institute on the Black World 21st Century congratulates President-Elect Barack Hussein Obama on this historic victory. The world celebrates, globally, as we celebrate nationally! We also extend our congratulations and praise to all of the community organizers, new voters and volunteers who turned out and made the critical difference and ushered in this new victory!
Barack Obama is in the White House! --- So, What’s Next?
We, the people, cannot rest on our laurels just yet!
You and I both know that the work has only just begun.
“We Who Believe in Freedom Cannot Rest Until It Comes!”
--- Sweet Honey N’ The Rock
CLICK HERE for more information on this important gathering!
CLICK HERE for Cheap Flights from your location!
CLICK HERE to access the Astor Crowne Plaza Conference Hotel --- It’s Fantastic!
That is why I am asking you to join me in New Orleans to explore and set a purposeful, focused Agenda with:
Esteemed Elders, Scholars and Leaders – Dr. Ron Daniels, Bev Smith, Rev. Al Sharpton, Dr. Julianne Malveaux, Marc Morial, Rev. Jesse L. Jackson, George Fraser, Dr. Elsie Scott, Atty. Faya Rose Sanders, Susan Taylor, Dr. Iva Carruthers, Emira Woods, Dr. E. Faye Williams, , Dr. Maulana Karenga, Haki Madhubuti, Sonia Sanchez, Jim Clingman, Danny Glover, Greg Akili, Congressman John Conyers, Councilwoman JoAnn Watson, Councilman Charles Barron, Kimberly Richards, Rick Adams, Mtangulizi Sanyika, Jaribu Hill, Askia Muhammad Toure, Nkechi Taifa, Adjoa Aiyetoro, James Early, Minister Akbar Muhammad, Marc Batson, Bob Bullard, Dr. Beverly Wright, Dedrick Muhammad and the Hon. Minister Louis Farrakhan
The New School Leaders and Scholars - Dr. Kimberly C. Ellis, Africana Studies Scholar, Artist and Activist, Marc Lamont Hill, Temple Univ. Professor, Fox News Correspondent, Monifah Bandele, Malcolm X Grassroots Movement, Davey D, Hip Hop Journalist, “Breakdown FM”, Malika Sanders, 21st Century Movement, Selma, AL, Bakari Kitwana, Author / Cultural Critic, “The Hip Hop Generation”, Veronica Conway, CPCC, Black Coaches Association, Makani Themba-Nixon, The Praxis Project
Hip Hop Heads - DJ Cool Clyde from NYC, MC Mele Mel (Beat Street breakdown, RRRAAHH!!) from NYC, Clifford Benton from NYC, Kool Moe Dee from NYC,
Paradise Manifest (X-Clan) from NYC and Pittsburgh, NYOIL the Ideal from NYC, Sess 4-5 from Nawlins, Dr. Goddess from Pittsburgh, Joe Blakk from Nawlins, Sister “Theory” from Michigan, Jasiri X from Pittsburgh, “This Week With Jasiri X”, Maybe even . . . Master P!
Pan-African Policy Experts - Confirmed and Invited Speakers and Panelists Include:
Hon. Dudley Thompson, former Foreign Minister and Minister of Security, Jamaica, Hon. Zainab Bangura, Foreign Minister of Sierra Leone *, Hon. Prince Olagunsoye Oyinola, Governor of Osun State, Nigeria *, Hon. H.E. Amina Ali, African Union Ambassador to the U.S., Dr. Ousmane Sene, Director, West African Research Center, Senegal, Danny Glover, Chairman of the Board, Trans Africa Forum, Emira Woods, Co-Director, Foreign Focus, Institute of Policy Studies, Nicole C. Lee, President, Trans Africa Forum, Dr. Niara Sudarkasa, President Emeritus, Lincoln University, Dr. James Turner, Chairman Emeritus, Africana Studies/Research Center, Cornell University, Maurice Carney, Friends of the Congo, Ben Afrifa, African Federation, Briggs Bomba, Africa Action, James Early, Director, Cultural Heritage, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C., Joseph Beasley, President African Ascensions, Dr. Jemadari Kamara, Black Studies Department, UMass/Boston, Minister Akbar Muhammad, Nation of Islam
After this Historic Election . . .
What Will be the State of YOUR Black World?
The State of the Black World Conference is a unique opportunity to connect with some of our most cutting edge local and national leaders in politics, culture, grassroots community organizing and academia---to talk and learn from one another as we build for this next phase of Black power and politics in America and beyond.
CLICK HERE for more information on this important gathering!
CLICK HERE for Cheap Flights from your location!
CLICK HERE to access the Astor Crowne Plaza Conference Hotel --- It’s Fantastic!
New Orleans would love to see you!
You’re not going to let Barack do all the work, are you?
Surely, you jest!
Come and Re-connect now that you’re Re-inspired and know that Change is possible as long as you believe . . . and get to work!
Join us for the Pre-Conference Damu Smith Training Institute on November 19-21 and learn how to put the “organizer” back into your “community” by receiving proper training and education in this new world. The Institute will provide up to 200 people with real quality time with some of our leading organizers and practitioners to develop real skills and concrete plans to keep the momentum going.
Register Today Without Delay!
Phone: 877-774-2921 (that's toll free!)
Email:sobwc@ibw21.org
So, What's Next?
Register Now!
State of the Black World Conference
New Orleans, LA Convention Center
Hotel: Astor Crowne Plaza
Nov. 19 – 23, 2008
The First, Great Gathering of the African Diaspora following this Historic Election!
Phone: 877-774-2921 (that's toll free!)
Email: sobwc@ibw21.org
The Institute on the Black World 21st Century congratulates President-Elect Barack Hussein Obama on this historic victory. The world celebrates, globally, as we celebrate nationally! We also extend our congratulations and praise to all of the community organizers, new voters and volunteers who turned out and made the critical difference and ushered in this new victory!
Barack Obama is in the White House! --- So, What’s Next?
We, the people, cannot rest on our laurels just yet!
You and I both know that the work has only just begun.
“We Who Believe in Freedom Cannot Rest Until It Comes!”
--- Sweet Honey N’ The Rock
CLICK HERE for more information on this important gathering!
CLICK HERE for Cheap Flights from your location!
CLICK HERE to access the Astor Crowne Plaza Conference Hotel --- It’s Fantastic!
That is why I am asking you to join me in New Orleans to explore and set a purposeful, focused Agenda with:
Esteemed Elders, Scholars and Leaders – Dr. Ron Daniels, Bev Smith, Rev. Al Sharpton, Dr. Julianne Malveaux, Marc Morial, Rev. Jesse L. Jackson, George Fraser, Dr. Elsie Scott, Atty. Faya Rose Sanders, Susan Taylor, Dr. Iva Carruthers, Emira Woods, Dr. E. Faye Williams, , Dr. Maulana Karenga, Haki Madhubuti, Sonia Sanchez, Jim Clingman, Danny Glover, Greg Akili, Congressman John Conyers, Councilwoman JoAnn Watson, Councilman Charles Barron, Kimberly Richards, Rick Adams, Mtangulizi Sanyika, Jaribu Hill, Askia Muhammad Toure, Nkechi Taifa, Adjoa Aiyetoro, James Early, Minister Akbar Muhammad, Marc Batson, Bob Bullard, Dr. Beverly Wright, Dedrick Muhammad and the Hon. Minister Louis Farrakhan
The New School Leaders and Scholars - Dr. Kimberly C. Ellis, Africana Studies Scholar, Artist and Activist, Marc Lamont Hill, Temple Univ. Professor, Fox News Correspondent, Monifah Bandele, Malcolm X Grassroots Movement, Davey D, Hip Hop Journalist, “Breakdown FM”, Malika Sanders, 21st Century Movement, Selma, AL, Bakari Kitwana, Author / Cultural Critic, “The Hip Hop Generation”, Veronica Conway, CPCC, Black Coaches Association, Makani Themba-Nixon, The Praxis Project
Hip Hop Heads - DJ Cool Clyde from NYC, MC Mele Mel (Beat Street breakdown, RRRAAHH!!) from NYC, Clifford Benton from NYC, Kool Moe Dee from NYC,
Paradise Manifest (X-Clan) from NYC and Pittsburgh, NYOIL the Ideal from NYC, Sess 4-5 from Nawlins, Dr. Goddess from Pittsburgh, Joe Blakk from Nawlins, Sister “Theory” from Michigan, Jasiri X from Pittsburgh, “This Week With Jasiri X”, Maybe even . . . Master P!
Pan-African Policy Experts - Confirmed and Invited Speakers and Panelists Include:
Hon. Dudley Thompson, former Foreign Minister and Minister of Security, Jamaica, Hon. Zainab Bangura, Foreign Minister of Sierra Leone *, Hon. Prince Olagunsoye Oyinola, Governor of Osun State, Nigeria *, Hon. H.E. Amina Ali, African Union Ambassador to the U.S., Dr. Ousmane Sene, Director, West African Research Center, Senegal, Danny Glover, Chairman of the Board, Trans Africa Forum, Emira Woods, Co-Director, Foreign Focus, Institute of Policy Studies, Nicole C. Lee, President, Trans Africa Forum, Dr. Niara Sudarkasa, President Emeritus, Lincoln University, Dr. James Turner, Chairman Emeritus, Africana Studies/Research Center, Cornell University, Maurice Carney, Friends of the Congo, Ben Afrifa, African Federation, Briggs Bomba, Africa Action, James Early, Director, Cultural Heritage, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C., Joseph Beasley, President African Ascensions, Dr. Jemadari Kamara, Black Studies Department, UMass/Boston, Minister Akbar Muhammad, Nation of Islam
After this Historic Election . . .
What Will be the State of YOUR Black World?
The State of the Black World Conference is a unique opportunity to connect with some of our most cutting edge local and national leaders in politics, culture, grassroots community organizing and academia---to talk and learn from one another as we build for this next phase of Black power and politics in America and beyond.
CLICK HERE for more information on this important gathering!
CLICK HERE for Cheap Flights from your location!
CLICK HERE to access the Astor Crowne Plaza Conference Hotel --- It’s Fantastic!
New Orleans would love to see you!
You’re not going to let Barack do all the work, are you?
Surely, you jest!
Come and Re-connect now that you’re Re-inspired and know that Change is possible as long as you believe . . . and get to work!
Join us for the Pre-Conference Damu Smith Training Institute on November 19-21 and learn how to put the “organizer” back into your “community” by receiving proper training and education in this new world. The Institute will provide up to 200 people with real quality time with some of our leading organizers and practitioners to develop real skills and concrete plans to keep the momentum going.
Register Today Without Delay!
Phone: 877-774-2921 (that's toll free!)
Email:sobwc@ibw21.org
Saturday, November 8, 2008
President Obama to be Focus of Global Black Leaders
Count Down to State of the Black World Conference
November 19 – 23, 2008
New Orleans, LA
Morial Convention Center and Astor Crowne Plaza Hotel
THE FINAL BULLETIN
Still time to register – Discount Airfares Still Available
Rooms still available at The Headquarters Hotel,
Astor Crowne Plaza (739 Canal Street, adjacent to the French Quarter, 504-962-0500)
FARRAKHAN IS COMING TO SOBWC
As hundreds of participants prepare to journey to New Orleans for the potentially milestone conference, we are delighted to announce that the Honorable Minister Louis Farrakhan, leader of the Nation of Islam and the visionary architect of the historic Million Man March and Day of Atonement, has agreed to attend the conference to accept the Institute of the Black World’s Legacy Award and deliver the keynote address at the final session, The Call to Faith and Struggle, Sunday, November 23. Minister Farrakhan’s address will be a fitting climax to the SOBWC given his strong support for the process of building the Institute of the Black World over the years.
SPECIAL SESSION ON HAITI
Building a constituency for Haiti in the U.S., particularly among African Americans is the principal international work of IBW via the Haiti Support Project. Accordingly, Dr. Ron Daniels has asked Massachusetts State Representative Marie St. Fleur and Dr. Joseph Baptiste, President of the National Organization for the Advancement of Haitians (NOAH), to join him in Co-Convening a Special Session on Haiti, Friday November 21, 9:00 am – 12:00 Noon at the Astor Crowne Plaza, the headquarters hotel for SOBWC. An invitation has been extended to President Rene Preval or his designee to attend the conference to participate in this session and the Pan African Policy Forum. Congress Members John Conyers, Donald Payne, Yvette Clarke, Gregory Meeks and Kendrick Meek have also been invited to participate in this session – which will take up the following agenda:
▪ Key policy issues which should be addressed by the new administration in order to enhance the process of democracy and development in Haiti.
▪ Creating an effective humanitarian aid and developmental assistance network in the African American community with an emphasis on the education.
▪ Promoting cultural-historical tourism, especially among African Americans, as an important source of economic development.
PAN AFRICAN POLICY FORUM
IBW/SOBWC is eager to contribute to the process of forging mutually beneficial bonds among people of African descent throughout the Black World to achieve the following basic goals:
▪ Promote cultural and educational exchanges as the basis for building functional unity
▪ Encourage cultural historical tourism as a source for economic development for people of African descent nations and countries with significant African populations. Encourage economic/business investment
▪ Encourage the practice of Pan Africanism within the increasing diverse African community in the U.S. by building bridges and promoting operational unity among Continental Africans, Caribbean Americans, Afro-Latinos and African Americans.
▪ Positively impact U.S. policy towards Africa, the Caribbean, Central and South America
Schedule for Pan African Policy Forum
Friday, November 21, 1:00 – 5:00 PM -- A Heads of State, Ministerial, Ambassadorial and Government level Roundtable:
▪ The Role of the Diaspora in Developing Sustainable African Nations
Saturday, November 22, 10:30 AM - 6:30 PM -- Three sessions focused on the following themes/issues:
▪ The New “Scramble” for Africa: Challenges and Opportunities -- 10:30 AM - 12:30 PM
▪ Envisioning the Future of Africa in 2050 -- 2:30 - 5:00 PM
▪ Mobilizing the Diaspora to Impact Policy Toward Africa and the Caribbean -- 5:00 - 6:30 PM
Confirmed and Invited Speakers and Panelists Include:
Hon. Dudley Thompson, former Foreign Minister and Minister of Security, Jamaica
Hon. Zainab Bangura, Foreign Minister of Sierra Leone *
Hon. Prince Olagunsoye Oyinola, Governor of Osun State, Nigeria *
Hon. H.E. Amina Ali, African Union Ambassador to the U.S.
Dr. Ousmane Sene, Director, West African Research Center, Senegal
Danny Glover, Chairman of the Board, Trans Africa Forum
Emira Woods, Co-Director, Foreign Focus, Institute of Policy Studies
Nicole C. Lee, President, Trans Africa Forum
Dr. Niara Sudarkasa, President Emeritus, Lincoln University
Dr. James Turner, Chairman Emeritus, Africana Studies/Research Center, Cornell University
Maurice Carney, Friends of the Congo
Ben Afrifa, African Federation
Briggs Bomba, Africa Action
James Early, Director, Cultural Heritage, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.
Joseph Beasley, President African Ascensions
Dr. Jemadari Kamara, Black Studies Department, UMass/Boston
Minister Akbar Muhammad, Nation of Islam
*Invited/confirmation pending
OPENING PLENARY/INDABA TO SHOWCASE NEW GENERATION OF LEADERSHIP
One of the highlights of SOBWC will be the inclusion of a new generation of young Black leaders in all aspects of the conference. The Opening INDABA will showcase some of the most outstanding young leaders in Black America. Moderated by scholar, activist, cultural artist and University of Pittsburgh Instructor Dr. Kimberly C. Ellis, the opening panel on the Future of the Black Freedom will include:
Monifa Akinwole Bandele, Malcolm X Grassroots Movement
Bakari Kitwana, Author / Cultural Critic, The Hip Hop Generation
Malika Sanders, 21st Century Movement, Selma Alabama
Marc Lamont Hill, Correspondent, Fox News
Davey D, Hip Hop Journalist
Veronica Conway, CCPC, Black Professional Coaches Alliance
Dr. James Turner, Chairman Emeritus, Africana Studies and Research Center, Cornell University will offer opening remarks on the historic role of young leadership in liberations struggles as context for the panel discussion.
Dr. Ron Daniels, President of IBW will conclude the session with the Keynote Address.
CYRIL NEVILLE TO HEADLINE CULTURAL EXTRAVAGANZA
LEGACY AWARDS TO BE PRESENTED TO OUTSTANDING LEADERS
High profile edu-tainment and fundraising event, Saturday evening November 22,, 9:30 PM – 12:00 AM to honor long distance leaders in the Black Freedom Struggle and concluding with a “Party with a Purpose.” Music by Cyril Neville (of the Neville Brothers) and Tribe 13. Poetry and Spoken Word by Haki Madhubuti and Sonia Sanchez. Invited Guest Talib Kweli.
Legacy Awards
Hon. Dudley Thompson, Rev. Jesse L. Jackson, Rev. Jeremiah Wright, Susan Taylor, Danny Glover, Hon. Minister Louis Farrakhan, Dr. Vincent Harding, Sonia Sanchez, Haki Madhubuti, Congressman John Conyers, President Imari Obedele, Dr. Adelaide Sanford, Dr. Josef Ben-Jochannan, Dr. Walter Lomax, Grand Master Mele Mel, Kool Moe Dee, the Neville Brothers
Pan African Service Award
Willie Ricks
The Who’s Who of Black America Will Be In New Orleans for SOBWC
Partial List of Confirmed Participants
Bev Smith, Rev. Al Sharpton, Dr. Julianne Malveaux, Marc Morial, Rev. Jesse L. Jackson, George Fraser, Dr. Elsie Scott, Atty. Faya Rose Sanders, Susan Taylor, Dr. Iva Carruthers, Emira Woods, Dr. E. Faye Williams, Makani Themba-Nixon, Dr. Maulana Karenga, Haki Madhubuti, Sonia Sanchez, Jim Clingman, Danny Glover, NYOIL, Greg Akili, Congressman John Conyers, Councilwoman JoAnn Watson, Councilman Charles Barron, Grand Master Mele Mel, Kool Moe Dee, Davey D, Bakari Kitwana, Monifa Akinwole Bandele, Malika Sanders, Dr. Kimberly Ellis, Kimberly Richards, Rick Adams, Mtangulizi Sanyika, Jaribu Hill, Askia Muhammad Toure, Nkechi Taifa, Adjoa Aiyetoro, James Early, Minister Akbar Muhammad, Marc Batson, Bob Bullard, Dr. Beverly Wright, Dedrick Muhammad, Kenny Barnes, Mustafa Santiago Ali, Vincent Sylvain, Lorraine Jacques-White and Danny Glover.
FOR MORE INFORMATION
Contact Carolyn McClair, SOBWC Administrator:
Toll Free Information Line 888.774.2921 or (917) 686-0854
▪ E-mail: sobwc@ibw21.org
▪ Web Site: www.stateoftheblackworld.org
▪ Blog: http:\\stateoftheblackworld.blogspot.com
▪ Check us out on Facebook, MySpace and YouTube
November 19 – 23, 2008
New Orleans, LA
Morial Convention Center and Astor Crowne Plaza Hotel
THE FINAL BULLETIN
Still time to register – Discount Airfares Still Available
Rooms still available at The Headquarters Hotel,
Astor Crowne Plaza (739 Canal Street, adjacent to the French Quarter, 504-962-0500)
FARRAKHAN IS COMING TO SOBWC
As hundreds of participants prepare to journey to New Orleans for the potentially milestone conference, we are delighted to announce that the Honorable Minister Louis Farrakhan, leader of the Nation of Islam and the visionary architect of the historic Million Man March and Day of Atonement, has agreed to attend the conference to accept the Institute of the Black World’s Legacy Award and deliver the keynote address at the final session, The Call to Faith and Struggle, Sunday, November 23. Minister Farrakhan’s address will be a fitting climax to the SOBWC given his strong support for the process of building the Institute of the Black World over the years.
SPECIAL SESSION ON HAITI
Building a constituency for Haiti in the U.S., particularly among African Americans is the principal international work of IBW via the Haiti Support Project. Accordingly, Dr. Ron Daniels has asked Massachusetts State Representative Marie St. Fleur and Dr. Joseph Baptiste, President of the National Organization for the Advancement of Haitians (NOAH), to join him in Co-Convening a Special Session on Haiti, Friday November 21, 9:00 am – 12:00 Noon at the Astor Crowne Plaza, the headquarters hotel for SOBWC. An invitation has been extended to President Rene Preval or his designee to attend the conference to participate in this session and the Pan African Policy Forum. Congress Members John Conyers, Donald Payne, Yvette Clarke, Gregory Meeks and Kendrick Meek have also been invited to participate in this session – which will take up the following agenda:
▪ Key policy issues which should be addressed by the new administration in order to enhance the process of democracy and development in Haiti.
▪ Creating an effective humanitarian aid and developmental assistance network in the African American community with an emphasis on the education.
▪ Promoting cultural-historical tourism, especially among African Americans, as an important source of economic development.
PAN AFRICAN POLICY FORUM
IBW/SOBWC is eager to contribute to the process of forging mutually beneficial bonds among people of African descent throughout the Black World to achieve the following basic goals:
▪ Promote cultural and educational exchanges as the basis for building functional unity
▪ Encourage cultural historical tourism as a source for economic development for people of African descent nations and countries with significant African populations. Encourage economic/business investment
▪ Encourage the practice of Pan Africanism within the increasing diverse African community in the U.S. by building bridges and promoting operational unity among Continental Africans, Caribbean Americans, Afro-Latinos and African Americans.
▪ Positively impact U.S. policy towards Africa, the Caribbean, Central and South America
Schedule for Pan African Policy Forum
Friday, November 21, 1:00 – 5:00 PM -- A Heads of State, Ministerial, Ambassadorial and Government level Roundtable:
▪ The Role of the Diaspora in Developing Sustainable African Nations
Saturday, November 22, 10:30 AM - 6:30 PM -- Three sessions focused on the following themes/issues:
▪ The New “Scramble” for Africa: Challenges and Opportunities -- 10:30 AM - 12:30 PM
▪ Envisioning the Future of Africa in 2050 -- 2:30 - 5:00 PM
▪ Mobilizing the Diaspora to Impact Policy Toward Africa and the Caribbean -- 5:00 - 6:30 PM
Confirmed and Invited Speakers and Panelists Include:
Hon. Dudley Thompson, former Foreign Minister and Minister of Security, Jamaica
Hon. Zainab Bangura, Foreign Minister of Sierra Leone *
Hon. Prince Olagunsoye Oyinola, Governor of Osun State, Nigeria *
Hon. H.E. Amina Ali, African Union Ambassador to the U.S.
Dr. Ousmane Sene, Director, West African Research Center, Senegal
Danny Glover, Chairman of the Board, Trans Africa Forum
Emira Woods, Co-Director, Foreign Focus, Institute of Policy Studies
Nicole C. Lee, President, Trans Africa Forum
Dr. Niara Sudarkasa, President Emeritus, Lincoln University
Dr. James Turner, Chairman Emeritus, Africana Studies/Research Center, Cornell University
Maurice Carney, Friends of the Congo
Ben Afrifa, African Federation
Briggs Bomba, Africa Action
James Early, Director, Cultural Heritage, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.
Joseph Beasley, President African Ascensions
Dr. Jemadari Kamara, Black Studies Department, UMass/Boston
Minister Akbar Muhammad, Nation of Islam
*Invited/confirmation pending
OPENING PLENARY/INDABA TO SHOWCASE NEW GENERATION OF LEADERSHIP
One of the highlights of SOBWC will be the inclusion of a new generation of young Black leaders in all aspects of the conference. The Opening INDABA will showcase some of the most outstanding young leaders in Black America. Moderated by scholar, activist, cultural artist and University of Pittsburgh Instructor Dr. Kimberly C. Ellis, the opening panel on the Future of the Black Freedom will include:
Monifa Akinwole Bandele, Malcolm X Grassroots Movement
Bakari Kitwana, Author / Cultural Critic, The Hip Hop Generation
Malika Sanders, 21st Century Movement, Selma Alabama
Marc Lamont Hill, Correspondent, Fox News
Davey D, Hip Hop Journalist
Veronica Conway, CCPC, Black Professional Coaches Alliance
Dr. James Turner, Chairman Emeritus, Africana Studies and Research Center, Cornell University will offer opening remarks on the historic role of young leadership in liberations struggles as context for the panel discussion.
Dr. Ron Daniels, President of IBW will conclude the session with the Keynote Address.
CYRIL NEVILLE TO HEADLINE CULTURAL EXTRAVAGANZA
LEGACY AWARDS TO BE PRESENTED TO OUTSTANDING LEADERS
High profile edu-tainment and fundraising event, Saturday evening November 22,, 9:30 PM – 12:00 AM to honor long distance leaders in the Black Freedom Struggle and concluding with a “Party with a Purpose.” Music by Cyril Neville (of the Neville Brothers) and Tribe 13. Poetry and Spoken Word by Haki Madhubuti and Sonia Sanchez. Invited Guest Talib Kweli.
Legacy Awards
Hon. Dudley Thompson, Rev. Jesse L. Jackson, Rev. Jeremiah Wright, Susan Taylor, Danny Glover, Hon. Minister Louis Farrakhan, Dr. Vincent Harding, Sonia Sanchez, Haki Madhubuti, Congressman John Conyers, President Imari Obedele, Dr. Adelaide Sanford, Dr. Josef Ben-Jochannan, Dr. Walter Lomax, Grand Master Mele Mel, Kool Moe Dee, the Neville Brothers
Pan African Service Award
Willie Ricks
The Who’s Who of Black America Will Be In New Orleans for SOBWC
Partial List of Confirmed Participants
Bev Smith, Rev. Al Sharpton, Dr. Julianne Malveaux, Marc Morial, Rev. Jesse L. Jackson, George Fraser, Dr. Elsie Scott, Atty. Faya Rose Sanders, Susan Taylor, Dr. Iva Carruthers, Emira Woods, Dr. E. Faye Williams, Makani Themba-Nixon, Dr. Maulana Karenga, Haki Madhubuti, Sonia Sanchez, Jim Clingman, Danny Glover, NYOIL, Greg Akili, Congressman John Conyers, Councilwoman JoAnn Watson, Councilman Charles Barron, Grand Master Mele Mel, Kool Moe Dee, Davey D, Bakari Kitwana, Monifa Akinwole Bandele, Malika Sanders, Dr. Kimberly Ellis, Kimberly Richards, Rick Adams, Mtangulizi Sanyika, Jaribu Hill, Askia Muhammad Toure, Nkechi Taifa, Adjoa Aiyetoro, James Early, Minister Akbar Muhammad, Marc Batson, Bob Bullard, Dr. Beverly Wright, Dedrick Muhammad, Kenny Barnes, Mustafa Santiago Ali, Vincent Sylvain, Lorraine Jacques-White and Danny Glover.
FOR MORE INFORMATION
Contact Carolyn McClair, SOBWC Administrator:
Toll Free Information Line 888.774.2921 or (917) 686-0854
▪ E-mail: sobwc@ibw21.org
▪ Web Site: www.stateoftheblackworld.org
▪ Blog: http:\\stateoftheblackworld.blogspot.com
▪ Check us out on Facebook, MySpace and YouTube
Saturday, August 23, 2008
Racism is the only reason McCain might beat him
If Obama Loses
By Jacob WeisbergPosted Saturday, Aug. 23, 2008, at 12:02 AM ET
What with the Bush legacy of reckless war and economic mismanagement, 2008 is a year that favors the generic Democratic candidate over the generic Republican one. Yet Barack Obama, with every natural and structural advantage in the presidential race, is running only neck-and-neck against John McCain, a sub-par Republican nominee with a list of liabilities longer than a Joe Biden monologue. Obama has built a crack political operation, raised record sums, and inspired millions with his eloquence and vision. McCain has struggled with a fractious campaign team, lacks clarity and discipline, and remains a stranger to charisma. Yet at the moment, the two of them appear to be tied. What gives?
If it makes you feel better, you can rationalize Obama's missing 10-point lead on the basis of Clintonite sulkiness, his slowness in responding to attacks, or the concern that Obama may be too handsome, brilliant, and cool to be elected. But let's be honest: If you break the numbers down, the reason Obama isn't ahead right now is that he trails badly among one group, older white voters. He does so for a simple reason: the color of his skin.
Much evidence points to racial prejudice as a factor that could be large enough to cost Obama the election. That warning is written all over last month's CBS/New York Times poll, which is worth examining in detail if you want a quick grasp of white America's curious sense of racial grievance. In the poll, 26 percent of whites say they have been victims of discrimination. Twenty-seven percent say too much has been made of the problems facing black people. Twenty-four percent say the country isn't ready to elect a black president. Five percent of white voters acknowledge that they, personally, would not vote for a black candidate.
Five percent surely understates the reality. In the Pennsylvania primary, one in six white voters told exit pollsters race was a factor in his or her decision. Seventy-five percent of those people voted for Clinton. You can do the math: 12 percent of the Pennsylvania primary electorate acknowledged that it didn't vote for Barack Obama in part because he is African-American. And that's what Democrats in a Northeastern(ish) state admit openly. The responses in Ohio and even New Jersey were dispiritingly similar.
Such prejudice usually comes coded in distortions about Obama and his background. To the willfully ignorant, he is a secret Muslim married to a black-power radical. Or—thank you, Geraldine Ferraro—he only got where he is because of the special treatment accorded those lucky enough to be born with African blood. Some Jews assume Obama is insufficiently supportive of Israel in the way they assume other black politicians to be. To some white voters (14 percent in the CBS/New York Times poll), Obama is someone who, as president, would favor blacks over whites. Or he is an "elitist" who cannot understand ordinary (read: white) people because he isn't one of them. Or he is charged with playing the race card, or of accusing his opponents of racism, when he has strenuously avoided doing anything of the sort. We're just not comfortable with, you know, a Hawaiian.
Then there's the overt stuff. In May, Pat Buchanan, who writes books about the European-Americans losing control of their country, ranted on MSNBC in defense of white West Virginians voting on the basis of racial solidarity. The No. 1 best-seller in America, Obama Nation by Jerome R. Corsi, Ph.D., leeringly notes that Obama's white mother always preferred that her "mate" be "a man of color." John McCain has yet to get around to denouncing this vile book.
Many have discoursed on what an Obama victory could mean for America. We would finally be able to see our legacy of slavery, segregation, and racism in the rearview mirror. Our kids would grow up thinking of prejudice as a nonfactor in their lives. The rest of the world would embrace a less fearful and more open post-post-9/11 America. But does it not follow that an Obama defeat would signify the opposite? If Obama loses, our children will grow up thinking of equal opportunity as a myth. His defeat would say that when handed a perfect opportunity to put the worst part of our history behind us, we chose not to. In this event, the world's judgment will be severe and inescapable: The United States had its day but, in the end, couldn't put its own self-interest ahead of its crazy irrationality over race.
Choosing John McCain, in particular, would herald the construction of a bridge to the 20th century—and not necessarily the last part of it, either. McCain represents a Cold War style of nationalism that doesn't get the shift from geopolitics to geoeconomics, the centrality of soft power in a multipolar world, or the transformative nature of digital technology. This is a matter of attitude as much as age. A lot of 71-year-olds are still learning and evolving. But in 2008, being flummoxed by that newfangled doodad, the personal computer, seems like a deal-breaker. At this hinge moment in human history, McCain's approach to our gravest problems is hawkish denial. I like and respect the man, but the maverick has become an ostrich: He wants to deal with the global energy crisis by drilling and our debt crisis by cutting taxes, and he responds to security challenges from Georgia to Iran with Bush-like belligerence and pique.
You may or may not agree with Obama's policy prescriptions, but they are, by and large, serious attempts to deal with the biggest issues we face: a failing health care system, oil dependency, income stagnation, and climate change. To the rest of the world, a rejection of the promise he represents wouldn't just be an odd choice by the United States. It would be taken for what it would be: sign and symptom of a nation's historical decline.
Jacob Weisberg is editor-in-chief of the Slate Group and author of The Bush Tragedy.
By Jacob WeisbergPosted Saturday, Aug. 23, 2008, at 12:02 AM ET
What with the Bush legacy of reckless war and economic mismanagement, 2008 is a year that favors the generic Democratic candidate over the generic Republican one. Yet Barack Obama, with every natural and structural advantage in the presidential race, is running only neck-and-neck against John McCain, a sub-par Republican nominee with a list of liabilities longer than a Joe Biden monologue. Obama has built a crack political operation, raised record sums, and inspired millions with his eloquence and vision. McCain has struggled with a fractious campaign team, lacks clarity and discipline, and remains a stranger to charisma. Yet at the moment, the two of them appear to be tied. What gives?
If it makes you feel better, you can rationalize Obama's missing 10-point lead on the basis of Clintonite sulkiness, his slowness in responding to attacks, or the concern that Obama may be too handsome, brilliant, and cool to be elected. But let's be honest: If you break the numbers down, the reason Obama isn't ahead right now is that he trails badly among one group, older white voters. He does so for a simple reason: the color of his skin.
Much evidence points to racial prejudice as a factor that could be large enough to cost Obama the election. That warning is written all over last month's CBS/New York Times poll, which is worth examining in detail if you want a quick grasp of white America's curious sense of racial grievance. In the poll, 26 percent of whites say they have been victims of discrimination. Twenty-seven percent say too much has been made of the problems facing black people. Twenty-four percent say the country isn't ready to elect a black president. Five percent of white voters acknowledge that they, personally, would not vote for a black candidate.
Five percent surely understates the reality. In the Pennsylvania primary, one in six white voters told exit pollsters race was a factor in his or her decision. Seventy-five percent of those people voted for Clinton. You can do the math: 12 percent of the Pennsylvania primary electorate acknowledged that it didn't vote for Barack Obama in part because he is African-American. And that's what Democrats in a Northeastern(ish) state admit openly. The responses in Ohio and even New Jersey were dispiritingly similar.
Such prejudice usually comes coded in distortions about Obama and his background. To the willfully ignorant, he is a secret Muslim married to a black-power radical. Or—thank you, Geraldine Ferraro—he only got where he is because of the special treatment accorded those lucky enough to be born with African blood. Some Jews assume Obama is insufficiently supportive of Israel in the way they assume other black politicians to be. To some white voters (14 percent in the CBS/New York Times poll), Obama is someone who, as president, would favor blacks over whites. Or he is an "elitist" who cannot understand ordinary (read: white) people because he isn't one of them. Or he is charged with playing the race card, or of accusing his opponents of racism, when he has strenuously avoided doing anything of the sort. We're just not comfortable with, you know, a Hawaiian.
Then there's the overt stuff. In May, Pat Buchanan, who writes books about the European-Americans losing control of their country, ranted on MSNBC in defense of white West Virginians voting on the basis of racial solidarity. The No. 1 best-seller in America, Obama Nation by Jerome R. Corsi, Ph.D., leeringly notes that Obama's white mother always preferred that her "mate" be "a man of color." John McCain has yet to get around to denouncing this vile book.
Many have discoursed on what an Obama victory could mean for America. We would finally be able to see our legacy of slavery, segregation, and racism in the rearview mirror. Our kids would grow up thinking of prejudice as a nonfactor in their lives. The rest of the world would embrace a less fearful and more open post-post-9/11 America. But does it not follow that an Obama defeat would signify the opposite? If Obama loses, our children will grow up thinking of equal opportunity as a myth. His defeat would say that when handed a perfect opportunity to put the worst part of our history behind us, we chose not to. In this event, the world's judgment will be severe and inescapable: The United States had its day but, in the end, couldn't put its own self-interest ahead of its crazy irrationality over race.
Choosing John McCain, in particular, would herald the construction of a bridge to the 20th century—and not necessarily the last part of it, either. McCain represents a Cold War style of nationalism that doesn't get the shift from geopolitics to geoeconomics, the centrality of soft power in a multipolar world, or the transformative nature of digital technology. This is a matter of attitude as much as age. A lot of 71-year-olds are still learning and evolving. But in 2008, being flummoxed by that newfangled doodad, the personal computer, seems like a deal-breaker. At this hinge moment in human history, McCain's approach to our gravest problems is hawkish denial. I like and respect the man, but the maverick has become an ostrich: He wants to deal with the global energy crisis by drilling and our debt crisis by cutting taxes, and he responds to security challenges from Georgia to Iran with Bush-like belligerence and pique.
You may or may not agree with Obama's policy prescriptions, but they are, by and large, serious attempts to deal with the biggest issues we face: a failing health care system, oil dependency, income stagnation, and climate change. To the rest of the world, a rejection of the promise he represents wouldn't just be an odd choice by the United States. It would be taken for what it would be: sign and symptom of a nation's historical decline.
Jacob Weisberg is editor-in-chief of the Slate Group and author of The Bush Tragedy.
Sunday, August 17, 2008
New York Times Attempts to Define and Dictate Black Politics
The Sunday magazine of the nation's most influential newspaper predicts that Black politics as we know it is headed for extinction, that Barack Obama's "brand of ‘race-neutrality' shows Black politics is obsolete, and should be abandoned." Of course, that's wishful thinking from a hostile quarter, based on assumptions that all Black politics is electoral, Blacks are becoming more conservative, and a generational crisis deeply divides Black America - none of which is true.
However, Blacks have been set up for a fall. "To the extent that African Americans expect more from Barack Obama than they got from Bill Clinton, they will be devastatingly disappointed."
New York Times Attempts to Define and Dictate Black Politics
by BAR executive editor Glen Ford
"Black people are not working themselves into an election year frenzy just to commit political suicide by disbanding as a bloc."
The New York Times, the nation‘s preeminent corporate mouthpiece, has unabashedly called for the dissolution of independent Black politics in the United States. Although the paper's Sunday magazine cover story may seem at first skim to be simply an overlong paean to Barack Obama, its intent goes way beyond the presidential race, and is embedded in the title: "Is Obama the End of Black Politics?" Author Matt Bai and his employers fervently hope the answer is, Yes.
The wishful headline sits atop a pile of false assumptions and outright untruths about contemporary and historical Black politics. Hardly a cogent set of facts can be found in the entire piece; it is comprised almost wholly of unsubstantiated assertions mixed with non-sequiturs in quotation marks. But the thrust is quite clear: African Americans have not only outgrown group politics, as supposedly proven by Obama's march to - rather than on - the White House, but Obama's brand of "race-neutrality" shows that Black politics is obsolete, and should be abandoned.
To arrive at such a racially presumptuous conclusion, Bai must build on several false or debatable premises that have nevertheless become accepted wisdom among the corporate media:
The only authentic Black politics is electoral politics. Mass movements, direct action and other non-electoral strategies are relics of the past, and rightly so. More Black faces in high places automatically equals Black progress, regardless of the political content of these office-holders' policies. It is an unquestionable sign of general Black progress when African American candidates gain white support.
Black solidarity must decline and ultimately fade away as a political motivator as opportunities for (some) African Americans expand. A growing Black middle class inevitably leads to increased Black political conservatism. Blacks have no legitimate reasons to pursue political solidarity except those directly related to the upward mobility of their class.
A unique and pronounced age gap exists in Black America, that stands in the way of "transition" to a less confrontational, more cooperative society. (Black elders are the bottleneck in this regard.) Young Blacks are politically more mature than older Blacks, since they are further removed from the events of the Sixties and thus are not plagued by disturbing memories.
Based on these assumptions, Times readers may conclude that African Americans who struggle for group rights and objectives are behaving like superannuated dodderers in their second childhoods. Matt Bai thinks so. The following sentence gives new meaning to the term, convoluted reasoning:
"For a lot of younger African-Americans, the resistance of the civil rights generation to Obama's candidacy signified the failure of their parents to come to terms, at the dusk of their lives, with the success of their own struggle - to embrace the idea that black politics might now be disappearing into American politics in the same way that the Irish and Italian machines long ago joined the political mainstream."
Amazing, isn't it, that Bai and his ilk purport to know more about Black youth and their elders than the two Black age cohorts know about each other? Indeed, if we are to follow Bai's logic to its natural conclusion, whites understand and communicate with young Blacks better than Black parents do. It all makes sense once you accept the assumption that young Blacks think more like whites than their parents, whose minds have been deformed by too close exposure to the nightmarish Sixties, during which time they became distrustful of white people, and have never recovered.
Fortunately, we can dismiss Bai's assault on Black elders out of hand, since it relies on facts nowhere in evidence. Where are the graying Black legions that are resisting Obama's candidacy as a bloc? Every Black demographic, no matter how you slice it, is overwhelmingly pro-Obama for president. How could it not be so, with the Black Obama vote in the late primaries hitting 90 - 95 percent! For every aging Black radical (like myself) who refuses to drink the Obama'Laid, there are eight of his peers with Obama signs on their front lawns, and three octogenarians thanking God they have lived long enough to vote for such an attractive, well-spoken young Black man who might actually become president.
Such is the near-irresistible pull of race, and race solidarity - the uncontainable pressure of the pent-up aspirations of centuries, finally finding vent - in this election cycle.
"The writer must maintain the fiction of a general age chasm dividing Black Americans, or the theory on the inevitable extinction of Black politics, does not work."
Bai followed his assumptions off a cliff with the "old Black folks don't like Obama" idea. But he must maintain the fiction of a general age chasm dividing Black Americans, or the theory on the inevitable extinction of Black politics, does not work. And it must work, since Bai opens his piece with an attempt to prove that age was an important factor in the early, dead-even split in the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC) between Clinton and Obama supporters. Presumably, the 15 Clinton supporters were among those elders who "could not come to terms, at the dusk of their lives, with the success of their own struggle." An equal number were committed to Obama; the rest, undecided.
As it turned out, there was no chronological or ideological pattern in the CBC's Clinton/Obama lineup, in early January. Charles Rangel (NY), the oldest Member, was in the Clinton column. John Conyers (MI), the second-oldest, opted for Obama. Barbara Lee, among the most consistently progressive Members, backed Clinton, but so did David Scott (GA), once dubbed "The Worst Black Congressman" for his relatively rightwing voting habits. Bobby Rush, the former Black Panther who, according to Bai's reasoning, should have been the most "resistant" to Obama's neutralism on race, was in his fellow Chicagoan's corner.
The CBC presidential breakdown had little or nothing to do with age, or with any issues of deep substance, for that matter. Members aligned themselves at that early date based on considerations of money, petty faction, geography, and the betting odds.
Until Obama's victory in Iowa, polls showed the Black vote still very much in play. Only when African Americans were confident that large numbers of whites would vote for Obama did they massively align with the Black candidate - and then they quickly became a bloc. Nowhere is there evidence of a decisive schism - certainly not around age. No matter. The New York Times and its corporate sisters make up facts as they go along, to justify prefabricated theories on how Black folks behave.
Here's where Bai came closest to getting anything right:
"The generational transition that is reordering black politics didn't start this year. It has been happening, gradually and quietly, for at least a decade, as younger African-Americans, Barack Obama among them, have challenged their elders in traditionally black districts. What this year's Democratic nomination fight did was to accelerate that transition."
A change has come over Black politics in the last decade, and it does involve the entrance of a relatively young crop of Black politicians. However, the decisive factor here is not age, but money. Corporate America made a strategic decision to become active players in Black Democratic politics - an arena they had largely avoided in post-Sixties decades. In 2002, the corporate Right fielded and heavily funded three Black Democratic candidates for high profile offices in majority Black contests. Two of them, Newark Mayor Cory Booker and Alabama Congressman Artur Davis, are featured in Matt Bai's Times article. (No surprise there: the duo appear in every corporate media article celebrating the rise of the new, young, Black, corporate politician.) The third Big Business favorite, Denise Majette, has since slipped back into political obscurity.
"In 2002, the corporate Right fielded and heavily funded three Black Democratic candidates for high profile offices in majority Black contests."
Booker, then a first term city councilman, was (and remains) a darling of the vast political network centered around the far-right Bradley Foundation, of Milwaukee, Wisconsin. George Bush calls Bradley his "favorite foundation" - as well he should, since Bradley and its think tanks developed the GOP's faith-based initiatives and private school vouchers strategies. Booker became a star of the Bradley-subsidized vouchers "movement." (See "Fruit of the Poisoned Tree," Black Commentator, April 5, 2002.) In his first, unsuccessful run for Newark City Hall, Booker far outspent four-term Mayor Sharpe James - the most powerful Black politician in the state - but was narrowly defeated when his ties to school vouchers and far-right money were revealed. Booker was endorsed by every corporate media outlet in the New York metropolitan area, thanks to the ministrations of Bradley's media-savvy think tank, the Manhattan Institute. Booker captured the office easily in 2006, after amassing an even bigger war chest, when Mayor James declined to run. (James was later convicted on corruption charges and sentenced to 27 months in prison.)
Less than a month later, former Birmingham prosecutor Artur Davis, then 34, made a second run against veteran Congressman Earl Hilliard, in a 62 percent Black district. Davis had been badly beaten by Hilliard in the Democratic primary in 2000. This time, he outspent Hilliard by more than 50 percent - with the vast bulk of his funds raised outside the district. Davis won a minority of the Black vote to beat Hilliard.
Two months later, in August 2002, the corporate-funded juggernaut rolled into Atlanta, Georgia, where five-term Congresswoman Cynthia McKinney faced former Black Republican Denise Majette in an open Democratic primary. Majette's bankroll dwarfed McKinney's. Majette was also backed by every corporate media outlet in the region - and far beyond.
The massed national corporate press turned the McKinney-Majette contest into a national story, an opportunity to refine their collective "analysis" of post-Sixties Black politics. Majette would win, they agreed, because McKinney's "Sixties-style" politics were unsuited to her suburban Atlanta district, the second most affluent Black district in the country. The corporate media declared with certainty (but with no facts to buttress the claim) that the African American middle class was becoming more conservative, and a younger generation yearned for a break from the confrontations of the past.
Majette won, but with only about 17 percent of the Black vote; she was the white choice.
McKinney, the fiery progressive, was the overwhelming favorite among Blacks in a district that was the perfect test for the corporate media's theories on Black politics. They were proven wrong, but a useful lie trumps inconvenient facts. Through repetition in a monoculture corporate media, lies become truisms.
Matt Bai's Sunday Times article is based on the same fact-devoid theory of Black rightward political drift and a yawning age divide. Even before his national debut at the 2004 Democratic convention, Barack Obama joined Cory Booker, Artur Davis, and then Rep. Harold Ford Jr. (TN) - once George Bush's favorite Black congressperson - as exhibits in an endless series of "New Black Politics" articles, each one a clone of the last. This is what Bai mistakenly calls "the generational transition that is reordering black politics." It's not about age at all - other than that the young are hungrier and more malleable than their elders, and thus better prospects to march under the corporate colors.
"The Times article is based on the same fact-devoid theory of Black rightward political drift and a yawning age divide."
Barack Obama does pose a dire threat to the coherence of Black politics, but not for Matt Bai's reasons. Obama's presidential bid is inseparable from the ongoing corporate money-and-media campaign to confuse and destabilize the Black polity - an offensive begun in earnest in 2002. Obama, a prescient and uncannily talented opportunist, understood which way the corporate wind was blowing at least a decade earlier, and methodically readied himself for the role of his life.
To the extent that African Americans expect more from Obama than they got from Bill Clinton, they will be devastatingly disappointed. His candidacy has at least temporarily caused Black folks to behave en masse as if there are no issues at stake in the election other than an Obama victory. It is altogether unclear how long this spell-like effect will last. The short-term prospects for rebuilding a coherent Black politics, are uncertain. But one thing we do know: the formation of a near-unanimous Black bloc for Obama - of which he is absolutely unworthy - is stunning evidence that the Black imperative to solidarity is undiminished. Unfortunately, the wrong guy is the beneficiary - but in a sense, that's beside the point. Black people are not working themselves into an election year frenzy just to commit political suicide by disbanding as a bloc, no matter what Matt Bai and his ilk say.
It is at least possible that a new era of agitation and militant organization might follow the monster come-down that must descend on Black folks, either from an Obama defeat in November or, if victorious, through his ultimate (and early) betrayal of Black self-generated hopes. But there is absolutely no reason to believe that African Americans will emerge from the experience in a mood to fold up their collective, consciously Black political tent. Matt Bai is only able to envision such an outcome because he refuses to admit that the racial problem in the United States is caused by white folks. Institutional racism is engrained white behavior. The Black prison Gulag is a white creation. Double unemployment and one-tenth wealth are the products of white privilege. White people constantly replenish Black aspirations for self-determination: for a Black politics.
"The formation of a near-unanimous Black bloc for Obama - of which he is absolutely unworthy - is stunning evidence that the Black imperative to solidarity is undiminished."
Bai pretends that he is genuinely concerned about how Blacks will fare in the "transition" from Black politics:
"Several black operatives and politicians with whom I spoke worried, eloquently, that an Obama presidency might actually leave black Americans less well represented in Washington rather than more so - that, in fact, the end of black politics, if that is what we are witnessing, might also mean the precipitous decline of black influence.
"The argument here is that a President Obama, closely watched for signs of parochialism or racial resentment, would have less maneuvering room to champion spending on the urban poor, say, or to challenge racial injustice. What's more, his very presence in the Rose Garden might undermine the already tenuous case for affirmative action in hiring and school admissions."
First, African Americans should believe Obama when he repeatedly assures whites that he does not recognize Black claims to redress for past grievances, and has little tolerance for race-based remedies of any kind. There can be no expectation of a net increase in Blacks' ability to alter societal power relationships with Obama in the White House. (A Black president might make some difference, but not that Black president.)
And yes, there will be a white backlash - there always is - even though Blacks in general may materially gain nothing from Obama's change of address. White backlashes are beyond Black control. But they sometimes spur African Americans to greater organizational efforts. At any rate, Black don't need faux sympathy from Matt Bai and the New York Times. They're part of the reason there will always be Black politics.
However, Blacks have been set up for a fall. "To the extent that African Americans expect more from Barack Obama than they got from Bill Clinton, they will be devastatingly disappointed."
New York Times Attempts to Define and Dictate Black Politics
by BAR executive editor Glen Ford
"Black people are not working themselves into an election year frenzy just to commit political suicide by disbanding as a bloc."
The New York Times, the nation‘s preeminent corporate mouthpiece, has unabashedly called for the dissolution of independent Black politics in the United States. Although the paper's Sunday magazine cover story may seem at first skim to be simply an overlong paean to Barack Obama, its intent goes way beyond the presidential race, and is embedded in the title: "Is Obama the End of Black Politics?" Author Matt Bai and his employers fervently hope the answer is, Yes.
The wishful headline sits atop a pile of false assumptions and outright untruths about contemporary and historical Black politics. Hardly a cogent set of facts can be found in the entire piece; it is comprised almost wholly of unsubstantiated assertions mixed with non-sequiturs in quotation marks. But the thrust is quite clear: African Americans have not only outgrown group politics, as supposedly proven by Obama's march to - rather than on - the White House, but Obama's brand of "race-neutrality" shows that Black politics is obsolete, and should be abandoned.
To arrive at such a racially presumptuous conclusion, Bai must build on several false or debatable premises that have nevertheless become accepted wisdom among the corporate media:
The only authentic Black politics is electoral politics. Mass movements, direct action and other non-electoral strategies are relics of the past, and rightly so. More Black faces in high places automatically equals Black progress, regardless of the political content of these office-holders' policies. It is an unquestionable sign of general Black progress when African American candidates gain white support.
Black solidarity must decline and ultimately fade away as a political motivator as opportunities for (some) African Americans expand. A growing Black middle class inevitably leads to increased Black political conservatism. Blacks have no legitimate reasons to pursue political solidarity except those directly related to the upward mobility of their class.
A unique and pronounced age gap exists in Black America, that stands in the way of "transition" to a less confrontational, more cooperative society. (Black elders are the bottleneck in this regard.) Young Blacks are politically more mature than older Blacks, since they are further removed from the events of the Sixties and thus are not plagued by disturbing memories.
Based on these assumptions, Times readers may conclude that African Americans who struggle for group rights and objectives are behaving like superannuated dodderers in their second childhoods. Matt Bai thinks so. The following sentence gives new meaning to the term, convoluted reasoning:
"For a lot of younger African-Americans, the resistance of the civil rights generation to Obama's candidacy signified the failure of their parents to come to terms, at the dusk of their lives, with the success of their own struggle - to embrace the idea that black politics might now be disappearing into American politics in the same way that the Irish and Italian machines long ago joined the political mainstream."
Amazing, isn't it, that Bai and his ilk purport to know more about Black youth and their elders than the two Black age cohorts know about each other? Indeed, if we are to follow Bai's logic to its natural conclusion, whites understand and communicate with young Blacks better than Black parents do. It all makes sense once you accept the assumption that young Blacks think more like whites than their parents, whose minds have been deformed by too close exposure to the nightmarish Sixties, during which time they became distrustful of white people, and have never recovered.
Fortunately, we can dismiss Bai's assault on Black elders out of hand, since it relies on facts nowhere in evidence. Where are the graying Black legions that are resisting Obama's candidacy as a bloc? Every Black demographic, no matter how you slice it, is overwhelmingly pro-Obama for president. How could it not be so, with the Black Obama vote in the late primaries hitting 90 - 95 percent! For every aging Black radical (like myself) who refuses to drink the Obama'Laid, there are eight of his peers with Obama signs on their front lawns, and three octogenarians thanking God they have lived long enough to vote for such an attractive, well-spoken young Black man who might actually become president.
Such is the near-irresistible pull of race, and race solidarity - the uncontainable pressure of the pent-up aspirations of centuries, finally finding vent - in this election cycle.
"The writer must maintain the fiction of a general age chasm dividing Black Americans, or the theory on the inevitable extinction of Black politics, does not work."
Bai followed his assumptions off a cliff with the "old Black folks don't like Obama" idea. But he must maintain the fiction of a general age chasm dividing Black Americans, or the theory on the inevitable extinction of Black politics, does not work. And it must work, since Bai opens his piece with an attempt to prove that age was an important factor in the early, dead-even split in the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC) between Clinton and Obama supporters. Presumably, the 15 Clinton supporters were among those elders who "could not come to terms, at the dusk of their lives, with the success of their own struggle." An equal number were committed to Obama; the rest, undecided.
As it turned out, there was no chronological or ideological pattern in the CBC's Clinton/Obama lineup, in early January. Charles Rangel (NY), the oldest Member, was in the Clinton column. John Conyers (MI), the second-oldest, opted for Obama. Barbara Lee, among the most consistently progressive Members, backed Clinton, but so did David Scott (GA), once dubbed "The Worst Black Congressman" for his relatively rightwing voting habits. Bobby Rush, the former Black Panther who, according to Bai's reasoning, should have been the most "resistant" to Obama's neutralism on race, was in his fellow Chicagoan's corner.
The CBC presidential breakdown had little or nothing to do with age, or with any issues of deep substance, for that matter. Members aligned themselves at that early date based on considerations of money, petty faction, geography, and the betting odds.
Until Obama's victory in Iowa, polls showed the Black vote still very much in play. Only when African Americans were confident that large numbers of whites would vote for Obama did they massively align with the Black candidate - and then they quickly became a bloc. Nowhere is there evidence of a decisive schism - certainly not around age. No matter. The New York Times and its corporate sisters make up facts as they go along, to justify prefabricated theories on how Black folks behave.
Here's where Bai came closest to getting anything right:
"The generational transition that is reordering black politics didn't start this year. It has been happening, gradually and quietly, for at least a decade, as younger African-Americans, Barack Obama among them, have challenged their elders in traditionally black districts. What this year's Democratic nomination fight did was to accelerate that transition."
A change has come over Black politics in the last decade, and it does involve the entrance of a relatively young crop of Black politicians. However, the decisive factor here is not age, but money. Corporate America made a strategic decision to become active players in Black Democratic politics - an arena they had largely avoided in post-Sixties decades. In 2002, the corporate Right fielded and heavily funded three Black Democratic candidates for high profile offices in majority Black contests. Two of them, Newark Mayor Cory Booker and Alabama Congressman Artur Davis, are featured in Matt Bai's Times article. (No surprise there: the duo appear in every corporate media article celebrating the rise of the new, young, Black, corporate politician.) The third Big Business favorite, Denise Majette, has since slipped back into political obscurity.
"In 2002, the corporate Right fielded and heavily funded three Black Democratic candidates for high profile offices in majority Black contests."
Booker, then a first term city councilman, was (and remains) a darling of the vast political network centered around the far-right Bradley Foundation, of Milwaukee, Wisconsin. George Bush calls Bradley his "favorite foundation" - as well he should, since Bradley and its think tanks developed the GOP's faith-based initiatives and private school vouchers strategies. Booker became a star of the Bradley-subsidized vouchers "movement." (See "Fruit of the Poisoned Tree," Black Commentator, April 5, 2002.) In his first, unsuccessful run for Newark City Hall, Booker far outspent four-term Mayor Sharpe James - the most powerful Black politician in the state - but was narrowly defeated when his ties to school vouchers and far-right money were revealed. Booker was endorsed by every corporate media outlet in the New York metropolitan area, thanks to the ministrations of Bradley's media-savvy think tank, the Manhattan Institute. Booker captured the office easily in 2006, after amassing an even bigger war chest, when Mayor James declined to run. (James was later convicted on corruption charges and sentenced to 27 months in prison.)
Less than a month later, former Birmingham prosecutor Artur Davis, then 34, made a second run against veteran Congressman Earl Hilliard, in a 62 percent Black district. Davis had been badly beaten by Hilliard in the Democratic primary in 2000. This time, he outspent Hilliard by more than 50 percent - with the vast bulk of his funds raised outside the district. Davis won a minority of the Black vote to beat Hilliard.
Two months later, in August 2002, the corporate-funded juggernaut rolled into Atlanta, Georgia, where five-term Congresswoman Cynthia McKinney faced former Black Republican Denise Majette in an open Democratic primary. Majette's bankroll dwarfed McKinney's. Majette was also backed by every corporate media outlet in the region - and far beyond.
The massed national corporate press turned the McKinney-Majette contest into a national story, an opportunity to refine their collective "analysis" of post-Sixties Black politics. Majette would win, they agreed, because McKinney's "Sixties-style" politics were unsuited to her suburban Atlanta district, the second most affluent Black district in the country. The corporate media declared with certainty (but with no facts to buttress the claim) that the African American middle class was becoming more conservative, and a younger generation yearned for a break from the confrontations of the past.
Majette won, but with only about 17 percent of the Black vote; she was the white choice.
McKinney, the fiery progressive, was the overwhelming favorite among Blacks in a district that was the perfect test for the corporate media's theories on Black politics. They were proven wrong, but a useful lie trumps inconvenient facts. Through repetition in a monoculture corporate media, lies become truisms.
Matt Bai's Sunday Times article is based on the same fact-devoid theory of Black rightward political drift and a yawning age divide. Even before his national debut at the 2004 Democratic convention, Barack Obama joined Cory Booker, Artur Davis, and then Rep. Harold Ford Jr. (TN) - once George Bush's favorite Black congressperson - as exhibits in an endless series of "New Black Politics" articles, each one a clone of the last. This is what Bai mistakenly calls "the generational transition that is reordering black politics." It's not about age at all - other than that the young are hungrier and more malleable than their elders, and thus better prospects to march under the corporate colors.
"The Times article is based on the same fact-devoid theory of Black rightward political drift and a yawning age divide."
Barack Obama does pose a dire threat to the coherence of Black politics, but not for Matt Bai's reasons. Obama's presidential bid is inseparable from the ongoing corporate money-and-media campaign to confuse and destabilize the Black polity - an offensive begun in earnest in 2002. Obama, a prescient and uncannily talented opportunist, understood which way the corporate wind was blowing at least a decade earlier, and methodically readied himself for the role of his life.
To the extent that African Americans expect more from Obama than they got from Bill Clinton, they will be devastatingly disappointed. His candidacy has at least temporarily caused Black folks to behave en masse as if there are no issues at stake in the election other than an Obama victory. It is altogether unclear how long this spell-like effect will last. The short-term prospects for rebuilding a coherent Black politics, are uncertain. But one thing we do know: the formation of a near-unanimous Black bloc for Obama - of which he is absolutely unworthy - is stunning evidence that the Black imperative to solidarity is undiminished. Unfortunately, the wrong guy is the beneficiary - but in a sense, that's beside the point. Black people are not working themselves into an election year frenzy just to commit political suicide by disbanding as a bloc, no matter what Matt Bai and his ilk say.
It is at least possible that a new era of agitation and militant organization might follow the monster come-down that must descend on Black folks, either from an Obama defeat in November or, if victorious, through his ultimate (and early) betrayal of Black self-generated hopes. But there is absolutely no reason to believe that African Americans will emerge from the experience in a mood to fold up their collective, consciously Black political tent. Matt Bai is only able to envision such an outcome because he refuses to admit that the racial problem in the United States is caused by white folks. Institutional racism is engrained white behavior. The Black prison Gulag is a white creation. Double unemployment and one-tenth wealth are the products of white privilege. White people constantly replenish Black aspirations for self-determination: for a Black politics.
"The formation of a near-unanimous Black bloc for Obama - of which he is absolutely unworthy - is stunning evidence that the Black imperative to solidarity is undiminished."
Bai pretends that he is genuinely concerned about how Blacks will fare in the "transition" from Black politics:
"Several black operatives and politicians with whom I spoke worried, eloquently, that an Obama presidency might actually leave black Americans less well represented in Washington rather than more so - that, in fact, the end of black politics, if that is what we are witnessing, might also mean the precipitous decline of black influence.
"The argument here is that a President Obama, closely watched for signs of parochialism or racial resentment, would have less maneuvering room to champion spending on the urban poor, say, or to challenge racial injustice. What's more, his very presence in the Rose Garden might undermine the already tenuous case for affirmative action in hiring and school admissions."
First, African Americans should believe Obama when he repeatedly assures whites that he does not recognize Black claims to redress for past grievances, and has little tolerance for race-based remedies of any kind. There can be no expectation of a net increase in Blacks' ability to alter societal power relationships with Obama in the White House. (A Black president might make some difference, but not that Black president.)
And yes, there will be a white backlash - there always is - even though Blacks in general may materially gain nothing from Obama's change of address. White backlashes are beyond Black control. But they sometimes spur African Americans to greater organizational efforts. At any rate, Black don't need faux sympathy from Matt Bai and the New York Times. They're part of the reason there will always be Black politics.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
Posts
